!! समर्थ हिन्दु, समर्थ हिन्दुस्थान !!;........................!! समर्थ हिन्दुस्थान, समर्थ विश्व !!............................
All the posts on this blog are re-postings and post headings point towards the actual posts.
Anti-national and anti-Hindu Marxists in Kerala C I Issac
While the undivided communist party was in power during 1957-58, its first priority was to reduce temples to self-extinction and impoverish Hindus. The regime first of all put the enquiry report of the Sabarimala Temple destruction in ‘cold storage.’ Then it began Hindu impoverishment via annihilation of Hindu landownership with the land reforms of 1957.
At present, the average landholding of a Christian family is 126.4 cents and Hindus and Muslims are 69.1 and 77.1 cents respectively
The communist attitude on vital national issues like Chinese aggression alienated them from the public. EMS Namboodiripad said: “The Chinese had entered territory that they thought was theirs and hence there was no question of aggression as far as they were concerned.
From 1969 to this day, 160 RSS workers and 39 workers of other political parties have been murdered Marxists in Kerala. More than 177 houses of RSS workers have been destroyed and a good number of RSS/ BJP activists ostracized from their villages of Kannur district.
Now the Marxist Party is in a capitalist mood and is functioning in corporate style. Its state general secretary functions like a CEO of the Marxist Party [Pvt. Ltd]. The party runs businesses like resorts, factories, amusement park, TV channels, and other ventures, and makes more surplus than real capitalist undertakings.
Closing Word: Eclipse of the Hindu NationRadha Rajan
Several years later after Savarkar was exonerated on charges of criminal conspiracy to kill Gandhi, one of the conditions during his release was that he should not be given any public reception nor should there be any public demonstration of rejoicing.
The political doctrine, that Hindu nationalists must be neither seen nor heard, was beginning to gain ground. Savarkar was arrested again on 5th April, 1950 in the wake of the extremely foolish Nehru-Liaquat Pact, which like its infamous predecessor, the Gandhi-Irwin Pact, gave more than it got in return.
Towards this end, when it was driven home to Nehru that Savarkar could not be kept in prison endlessly without reason, his release on 13 July 1950 came with the debilitating condition that he would remain confined to his home and would abjure politics completely. Nehru continued where Gandhi had left off but with greater force because Nehru, like the British government before1947, could back his intent to decimate Hindu nationalists with ruthless use of state power.
Nehru’s Congress in his lifetime and Nehruvian secular polity after Nehru continued to traverse the path of anti-Hindu politics of minority-ism; its results are there for all to see: Hindus have lost territory to Islam and Christianity in the North, North-East, East and West.
Secularism, for obvious reasons has failed to check and neutralize all threats to the nation’s territory and people only because it is in a state of denial, and has therefore failed to put in place structures and laws which will approach the threats rooted in the sense of Hindu nationhood. National security is best ensured only when the sense of nationhood is faultless and the threats to the nation or rashtra are perceived as threats to nation, nationhood and nationalism. Needless to say, the book seeks to demonstrate that there is no other nationalism on this bhumi other than Hindu nationalism.
The destruction that has been wreaked by state power can be corrected without bloodshed only by return of state power to self-conscious Hindus. Only self-conscious Hindu state power can arrange the nation’s affairs to serve dharma and the dharmi. For such a state of affairs we must begin to question political ideas and concepts that originated in the West as a reaction to the predatory Church, to slavery and to colonialism’s invasion and forcible occupation of foreign lands.
Concepts of minority-protection, self-determination and religious freedom cannot apply to the adherents of Islam and Christianity on Hindu bhumi under cover of democracy and constitutional rights. These provisions have to be reviewed, given the ultimate goal that these two minority religions have already achieved in Jammu and Kashmir and in the North-east.
The time has come to set down the coffins of Gandhi and Nehru from the unwilling shoulders of this nation.
Excerpted from Eclipse of the Hindu Nation: Gandhi and his freedom struggle Radha Rajan New Age Publishers (P) Ltd., Delhi, 2009 Price: Rs 495/- ISBN 81- 7819 - 068- 0 The book may be ordered from the publishers at email@example.com or at 011-2649 3326/ 27/ 28
Had Gandhi made half the effort to reach out to Aurobindo and Savarkar, Ambedkar and Subhash Bose, to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and the Hindu Mahasabha as he made to the British and to Muslims, Khilafat Committee and the Muslim League, had Gandhi consistently sought the advice and blessings of Hindu religious leaders in his political and social mission instead of allowing Christian missionaries and foreigners to influence his personal and political philosophy, had Gandhi approached Hindu maharajas and princes and made common cause with them, as much as he went out of his way to make common cause with Muslims ignoring in the process, the political interests of the scheduled castes, perhaps all sections of the Hindu community could have been organized in a powerful show of strength and solidarity which would not only have checked the unchallenged growth of the Muslim League but would also have made the British government exceedingly nervous and cautious about implementing their diabolic agenda at the time of transfer of power.
Gandhi, for his part, had the matchless ability to mobilize ordinary people to participate in his passive resistance campaigns; we can only rue Gandhi’s colossal failure as a leader to take along with him all these leaders and their vast following with their diverse strengths and abilities.
As early as 1909 when Gandhi wrote the Hind Swaraj, Gandhi spoke and wrote bitterly against the Nationalists and Indian rulers and indicated that he was not in favour of the British quitting India if this meant that rulership would revert to maharajas and princes or if it meant that the Nationalists who were votaries of armed resistance would rule over India. Gandhi instead expressed his preference for anarchy and chaos, which he equated with God.
We are forced to come to the conclusion that it was probably Gandhi’s English ‘liberal’ education in London and the pervasive presence of foreigners in his life which influenced his attitude
In all these small kingdoms Gandhi precipitated a crisis either in the name of civil liberties or temple entry for harijans. Needless to say the Congress meddled only in those states ruled by Hindu princes and kings.
There was no longer even a polite pretence that the Congress was a democratic organization. It was either Gandhi or Nehru who unilaterally decided all policies. Gandhi may have used the phrases “While I am still alive”, “In Jawaharlal’s scheme of free India”, “Jawaharlal considers” very naturally but it was an ominous portent of more dangerous things to come.
In short, Gandhi put all major sections of the Hindu community on the defensive with his bulldozing social reform methods. Let us have no doubts on the score, Gandhi’s intent to force social changes was alien to Hindu tradition which had other ways of doing it while Indians may be bamboozled into believing that his methods which included fasting, self-suffering and non-violence, were essentially Indian or Hindu in character.